FRAGMENTATION AND RESTORATION IN THE EARLY ANDALUS STATE
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The Umayyad conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the eighth century swept in another eight centuries of consolidated Muslim rule in the region. Given its lasting legacy it is surprising that early Muslim Andalusia was fraught with divisions between tribes, ethnicities, and political competitors. The roughly forty years of Umayyad caliphal rule in Andalus were marked by a tumultous, unpredictable political environment that eventually broke away from the central Islamic world.
Though conquest continued nearly unabated, with the exception of some isolated resistance in mountainous Asturias and the Pyrenees, and on the whole the Andalusian province contained many of the socioeconomic hallmarks—broad tolerance and coexistence and a fairly robust economy—of its more stable successors, the political leadership was prone to dramatic and often stark changes. In the 730s, the Umayyads reached the peak of their incursions into Europe; in the 740s, the province fell prey to revolts and eventual secession, while the 750s were marked by an ongoing struggle between various emirs for control that finally resulted in the reemergence of the Umayyad family at the helm of an emirate.
Part of the cause of this political instability lay in the diverse geography and makeup of Iberia, with mountains, plains, forests, deserts, rivers and valleys ensconced each with its own complex environment and inhabitants. Similarly, the heterogenous nature of the Iberian populace—which included Visigoths, Jews, Basques, Christians, and with the advent of the Umayyad conquest Arabs, Berbers, and Muslims thrown into the mix—lent itself to difficulty maintaining a consolidated central rule in the area.
But there was also instability inherent in the Umayyad caliphate and its various agents. The Umayyad caliphate had, controversially and rather bloodily, been established as a dynastic regime under the control of the Umayyad family in the second half of the seventh century1. Quite distinct from the idealized “Rightly Guided” caliphal age that preceded it, the Umayyad regime was therefore based around the Umayyad family and its dependents and supporters, who rose to an elite position often at the expense of other constituencies2.
With a few exceptions, such as the much admired caliph Umar b. Abdulaziz b. Marwan whose short rule included a sweeping number of reforms that were posthumously shelved, the Umayyad caliphate’s ruling family and its supporters and dependents, such as the Makhzoumis of Arabia, constituted the cream of the elite. On a lower scale were the tangential affiliates, dependents and allies of this elite—usually tribal confederations affiliated with the dominant rulers—and on the next scale other Arab confederations less reliable to the rulers. Respected Arab families who had once opposed or still posed a threat to the Umayyads, such as the families of the popular anti-Umayyad rebels Husain b. Ali b. Abi Talib and Abdullah b. Zubair b. Awwam, were systematically excluded from power and influence, though they were usually given token favours as a conciliatory gesture of caliphal generosity3.
On the next rung of the hierarchy were the non-Arab mawali, or clientele, of Arab conquerors who had been taken in, so to speak, by Arab tribes upon their conversion to Islam and at least officially affiliated with these families: they were either freeborn converts or freedmen: relevant to our study in particular are the Berbers, one of the first non-Arab peoples to accept Islam on a wide basis and a dominant force in the conquest of Iberia as well as the native populace of the Maghrib just a stone’s throw across the Gibraltar Straits. The rights of these mawali were officially to be respected as equal Muslims, but the Umayyad Caliphate’s care to look after its own affiliates tended to marginalize them at various junctures in its history. Concurrently, complaints about unfair treatment of fellow Muslims often underpinned rebel activity and would eventually help to bring about the downfall of the Umayyads in the mid-eighth century.
These dynamics played out in the conquest of Iberia and in the consequent power struggle. The conquest had been pioneered at the behest of Musa b. Nusair, an ambitious and influential governor of Maghrib of fairly obscure roots. A member of the Yamani confederacy’s Lakhmi tribe, Musa’s rapid promotion to the governorate of the Maghrib had been done at the exclusive behest of the Umayyad governor of Egypt, Abdulaziz b. Marwan b. Hakam, a brother of the caliph Abdulmalik. It was not without controversy; Musa’s predecessor, Hasan b. Nauman, had ably managed to quell a longstanding Berber revolt by a careful policy of Berber inclusion in the Umayyad army and government4.
Nonetheless, Musa b. Nusair continued and enhanced this same policy on unprecedented levels. More than any governor of the Maghrib, Musa encouraged proselytization of Islam and inclusion of Berbers in the Umayyad setup. Musa had a wide array of Berber mawalis who he appointed to important positions: most notable here was Tariq b. Ziad, the Berber commander of the army that attacked Iberia in 711. This may have been a byproduct of Musa’s own rather humble origins and an attempt to foster a power base independent of the traditional Umayyad elite in North Africa; in any case, when he armed and equipped Tariq’s Berber-dominated army for the expedition across the Gibraltar Straits, it was an unprecedented act in the Umayyad caliphate in that a non-Arab mawali population had its own effective army.5
This leap of faith, and the inevitable hostility it aroused from the entrenched Arab-dominant Umayyad army, may help to explain Musa b. Nusair’s less than appropriate response to Tariq b. Ziad’s decisive defeat of the Visigoth armies; according to reports the Maghribi governor belaboured and perhaps even lashed his triumphant officer with a whip6. Apparently Tariq had been sent as a vanguard commander, and his initiative in taking the Visigoths full-on and vanquishing them was not only a risk but also hurt Musa’s standing with the established elite. Given Musa’s ambitious plans of using Andalus as a springboard to attack the Byzantine Empire from the west7, he could not afford such a risk.
Though they proceeded quite cohesively thereon to conquer much of the peninsula thereon, there are numerous reports of tension between Musa b. Nusair and Tariq b. Ziad, some of which—like the tale of Prophet Solomon’s fabled table, the ownership over which they apparently quarrelled8—need not be taken literally so much as an example of this tension. Eventually both were recalled to Syria and consigned unkindly to the margins by the recently installed caliph, Sulaiman b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan, a less than fitting reward for the pair’s yeoman service9.
The animosity directed towards Musa b. Nusair by the nobility was now transferred towards his successor, Abdulaziz b. Musa b. Nusair. By most standards Abdulaziz had been remarkably successful; he completed the conquest of the peninsula, set up a system whereby Christians and Jews could practice their faith and customs under Muslim rule with a minor jizya tax in accordance with Islamic law10, and managed through skilful diplomacy to quell a revolt by a Visigothic commander, Theodemir (Toudmir in Arabic sources).11
This did not impress, and likely appeared to threaten, other leaders in the Muslim army, led once again by the Fihri commander Habib b. Abi Ubaidah b. Uqba. Complaining to the caliph, they raised the rather dubious claim that Abdulaziz b. Musa b. Nusair had come under the influence of his Christian wife, Egilon, widow of the last Visigothic leader Roderick, and that he was cultivating dangerous sympathies with the locals and entertaining royal ambitions. At length they convinced Sulaiman b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan into permitting the murder and replacement of Abdulaziz, done by Habib in 716.12 The popularity of Musa b. Nusair’s family was such among the mawali that Muslim chronicler Muhammad Ibn Qutia credits the Berbers explicitly with the appointment of Abdulaziz’s cousin, Ayub b. Habib, whose rule was shortlived13; it was caliph Sulaiman, Ibn Qutia writes and who we may safely assume had the support of Habib’s Arab faction, who sacked both the North African governor—Abdulaziz’s brother Abdullah b. Musa b. Nusair, also killed by Habib—and Ayub, thereby permanently seizing power from Musa’s family.14
The positions of the Arab nobility in the west rested largely on the uncertainty of the administrative structure in the western provinces of the Umayyad Caliphate. Unlike nearby Egypt, Iraq and Arabia, the administration of the western provinces was never stable. Initially North Africa, the first appendage, had been governed via the governor of Egypt, and then made a separate province through which Iberia was also governed. This helped the emirs in the Maghrib, particularly long-established families such as the Fihris, develop into a ruling class of their own with a fairly confrontational policy towards the locals and little oversight from the central Umayyad regime as to their activity. Though ambitious expeditions in the way of jihad continued, the burden of their expenses was levied on the non-Arab population, both Muslims and otherwise, who were subject to extortionate taxation. A particular complaint among fast-growing Berber Muslim communities was that despite their conversion and enrollment in the army, they were still often required to pay the jizya tax meant for non-Muslims, thereby giving them the burdens of both the Muslim and non-Muslim communities.15
An outstanding exception were the reforms of a shortlived but dynamic caliph, Umar b. Abdulaziz b. Marwan, who upon his instatement instituted a wide set of reforms that were seen as more authentically in line with Islamic law and fairer towards the Umayyads’ subjects16. When Umar took over the Maghrib and Andalus were in a state of flux; the unpopular Maghribi governor Muhammad b. Yazid had installed harsh taxation to pay for ambitious but largely unsuccessful northward campaigns in Spain by his Andalusian deputy Hurr b. Abdurrahman17. Umar instilled two important changes, making both Andalus and the Maghrib separate provinces with separate governments directly overseen by the central regime, and appointing to their respective posts a pair of handpicked reformers, Samh b. Malik and Ismail b. Abdullah b. Dinar, both of whom earned widespread respect for their proselytization and outreach to the Berber mawali populace, the abolition of unpopular taxation, and competent administration.
Ismail b. Abdullah b. Dinar’s appointment in the Maghrib would have particularly rankled the former ruling class; his grandfather, Abu Muhajir Dinar, had been a freedman from the mawali and both a colleague and longtime opponent of the Fihri conqueror Uqba b. Nafi18. Uqba’s descendants the Fihri family, as well as others, had hitherto benefited directly from their implementation of a confrontational policy largely tolerated by former caliphs, but this must have alienated the non-Arab mawalis and probably contributed to tensions within the army. Notably, despite the decrease in tax revenues, the Umayyad army’s performance actually improved during the shortlived regime of Umar b. Abdulaziz b. Marwan; by 721, Samh b. Malik had established a foothold in Septimania and conducted a siege against the Frankish duke Odo at Toulouse, where he was killed19. By now Umar had also expired—popularly suspected of poison at the behest of the embittered nobility20—and the policy did not long outlive him. The incoming caliph, Yazid II b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan, quickly put Andalus back under North African control, appointing his own governor, Bishar b. Safwan, who in turn appointed Anbasa b. Suhaim as governor of Andalus.21
Anbasa b. Suhaim adopted a novel policy of revenue collection, not from Muslim mawalis this time–presumably more watchful over their rights now–but the seizure of property and land from Christians and Jews, or at least those in Septimania where the campaigns continued22. Anbasa faced a challenge not from aggrieved Muslim soldiers but from a Christian rebel named Pelagius, sheltered in the highlands of Asturias. Setting up a small principality there, Pelagius managed to defeat several Umayyad expeditions and the government eventually appears to have assumed it was not worthwhile to pursue further conflict in difficult terrain, tending to leave him alone.23
It is difficult to ascertain whether Pelagius’ exploits enjoyed any sympathy amid the Christians under Umayyad rule, though he certainly later became legendary as a champion of Christendom24, but in any case Anbasa b. Suhaim’s policy was controversial enough that his successor, Yahya b. Salamah, immediately reversed it and restored the property and rights of the non-Muslims25. This in turn probably antagonized the Muslims, particularly the frontier troops, and a flurry of shortlived governors followed Yahya in the late 720s until the appointment of a respected commander, Abdurrahman b. Abdullah. Abdurrahman, formerly a second-in-command to Samh b. Malik, enjoyed a reputation for competence and fairness26. But nonetheless Abdurrahman too faced a number of challenges, and much emphasis has been laid on the caliphal certificate he carried to leverage his leadership with the competing factions27.
The most immediate challenge was that of a rebel Berber secessionist, Uthman b. Nisa, usually known as Munuza in Spanish chronicles. It is unclear if Uthman enjoyed wide support among the Berbers of Andalus or if he represented only himself and his faction, but in any case he seems to have been a longtime upstart who has tentatively been linked with Pelagius’ Asturias revolt28. Based in Catalonia, Uthman linked with the ruler of Aquitaine, Odo, who wanted autonomy from the Merovingian regime that had been coopted by the upstart Charles Martel29. Common interest against larger neighbours appears to have bound the pair more than anything else, but in 731 Abdurrahman b. Abdullah led a huge army—which indicates both Berber and Arab participation—to kill Uthman.
Having disposed of the rebels, Abdurrahman b. Abdullah continued northwards, defeating Odo’s advance force—“only God knows the number of the slain,” Isidorus Pacensis lamented30. Circumstances forcecd Odo, already a survivor of the siege of Toulouse ten years earlier, to appeal to his former enemy Charles Martel, who seized the opportunity to boost his prestige as a defender of Christendom. Charles famously routed the Umayyad army at Tours, propelling him to this status in what has been one of the more exaggerated military results in history. The indiscipline of the Umayyad army also contributed—when the Franks slew commander Abdurrahman, they fell into squabbles about the replacement as well as the share of spoils from the campaign31, further helping Charles to scatter them back south. While by no means as cataclysmic an event as has been popularly rendered32, the battle marked the northernmost penetration of the Umayyads into Europe and, more relevant to this study, exposed again the fragmentation within the Umayyads’ ranks.
The next governor, Abdulmalik b. Qatan b. Isma of the Fihri clan, emerged as a key player in the fragmentation of Umayyad Andalus from the caliphate. Though abruptly stripped of his post and arrested after another failed foray across the Pyrenees33, Abdulmalik craftily played different sides of the Muslim rule in Andalus against one another. As a longtime campaigner Abdulmalik apparently had more of an ear to other factions’ dissatisfactions than previous leaders from the Fihri family, and stinging from his summary dismissal he briefly managed to manipulate them to seize power again.
Abdulmalik b. Qatan b. Isma’s replacement, Uqba b. Hajjaj, was an energetic campaigner but had, importantly, been appointed by the unpopular governor of North Africa, Ubaidullah b. Habhab, the latest in a series of inflammatory governors. Perhaps conscious of his own mawali ancestry, Ubaidullah had fattened the ruling class significantly at the expense of the Maghribi mawali, levying extortionate taxation and undoing many of the tentative reforms pursued earlier. This provoked a massive revolt by the Berbers, only exacerbated by a ruthless and indiscriminate crackdown34, in North Africa from 740. The rebels were rather unconvincingly termed as fanatic kharijis, after the breakaway sect in Islam’s first internal conflict, but as Khalid Blankinship demonstrates this was probably a convenient term to tar any dissidents with, since many of the rebels appear to have been perfectly orthodox Muslims with political grievances35. In any case, the rebellion quickly swept the Maghrib, forcing the embattled caliph Hisham b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan to send a massive influx of Syrian troopers into the fray.
The revolt in North Africa forced Uqba b. Hajjaj to depart to help put it down, and in his absence Abdulmalik b. Qatan b. Isma helped instigate another revolt in Andalus. This shows that there continued to be underlying tensions and probably some cross-Gibraltar solidarity between the Berbers of Andalus and the Berbers in the Maghrib. More cogently, however, Abdulmalik exploited the sudden influx of Syrians into North Africa as a threat to both the Berbers and the Arabs, mostly from the opposed Yamani background, in Andalus, so while the revolt was led by Berbers it was a joint effort to safeguard their perceived interests36. So committed was Abdulmalik to this policy that he rebuffed a desperate plea for assistance from the besieged Syrian commander in Tangiers, Balj b. Bishar, and even publicly tortured to death a merchant named Zaid b. Amr, who had violated his embargo by sending supplies to Tangiers37.
But the tenuousness of Abdulmalik b. Qatan b. Isma’s own links with the Andalusian Berbers was abruptly shown when in 743 the Berbers promptly rebelled against him, swiftly turning the tables and showing that perhaps they did not equate their interests with the interests of the Arab leaders in Andalus. The North African revolt having by now been quelled with enormous difficulty, Balj b. Bishar—now appointed an interim governor for Andalus—crossed the channel. Balj routed Abdulmalik and publicly executed him at Cordoba.38
This dizzying array of events show that by now, the 740s, the protagonists in Andalus appear to have taken on three broad categories, constantly shifting. The first constituted the newly arrived Syrians, whose perceived haughtiness and strain on resources made them unwelcome. The second was the settled Arab population of Andalus, which was largely of Qahtanite Yemeni stock and which took, notably, to calling itself baladis, roughly translatable in this context to people of the land39, who had been consigned to the same status as the non-Arab mawalis while the Syrians took over the top rung. The third were the Berbers, constantly in flux, but apparently more disposed towards the familiar settled Arabs than the newcomers. Muhammad Ibn Qutia unites these last two factions despite their shaky history; according to this account, this coalition informed the Syrians: “Our country is too small, even for us—get out!”40
The settled Arabs having been replaced by Balj b. Bishar, Abdulmalik b. Qatan’s family revolted in the north, led by the frontier commander Abdurrahman b. Alqama. A sharpshooter with the bow, Abdurrahman reportedly personally shot dead Balj in their confrontation at Huelva41. The Umayyads now settled for a more palatable replacement, Thaalabah b. Salamah, a reliable second-in-command to Balj b. Bishar who nonetheless came of the Yemeni stock to which many baladis belonged. This did not, however, appease the rebels.
Eventually, the caliph Hisham b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan appointed a pair of capable and evenhanded Yemenis, to the Maghrib Hanzala b. Safwan—a veteran of the difficult conflict against the Berber rebels, who had tried to reform the Maghribi government similarly to Musa b. Nusair a generation earlier—and to Andalus Husam b. Darrar. In Andalus, Husam saw off his predecessors and assigned the newcomers to specific parts of Andalus—the Damascene Syrians to Elvira for instance—in order to overcome their disputes; the settlement was paid by the jizya revenues in order to relieve any of the quarrelling factions.42
The new arrangements, which restored temporary order, did not last long, however. The last major enduring prejudice of the Umayyad caliphate, the conflict between the clan confederations of Mudar and Yaman, came back to remove the last vestiges of caliphal rule in Andalus. This conflict had underpinned many of the feuds between the tribes. In northern Spain, the Mudari partisan Sumail b. Hatim urged a revolt with a figurehead from the Fihri family, Yusuf b. Abdurrahman b. Abi Ubaidah43. This coincided with a coup in North Africa led by another Fihri leader, Habib b. Abi Ubaidah b. Uqba’s son Abdurrahman, but the Fihri revolts appear not to have been coordinated or related except in that Abdurrahman b. Habib b. Abi Ubaidah’s revolt threw off the last North African jurisdiction over Andalus44. Sumail executed Husam b. Darrar and installed Yusuf, a leader not without redemptive qualities but with a shaky hold on power largely dependent on the sufferance of Sumail’s Mudari kinsmen.
Yusuf b. Abdurrahman b. Abi Ubaidah’s Cordoban state was officially autonomous by 750, by when the Umayyad caliphate had itself bloodily collapsed and its scions massacred45. But the Andalusian ruler’s vindictive right-hand man Sumail b. Hatim quickly alienated various factions who found an alternative leader in Abdurrahman b. Muawiah b. Hisham, a grandson of caliph Hisham b. Abdulmalik b. Marwan. This daring young survivor of the Umayyads’ purge soon posed an unexpected threat that eventually eclipsed the longer-established leadership in Andalus. Abdurrahman, whose mother was a Berber and who had had help in his flight from Syria by Berbers in North Africa46, managed to draw in the support of Berbers, Yemeni partisans and even some Mudari partisans, such as Husain b. Dujann, who were opposed to Sumail and Yusuf’s rule47. They also included important army commanders linked with the Umayyad family—Yusuf b. Bakht, Abdullah b. Khalid and Ubaidullah b. Uthman—whose defections proved important for Abdurrahman to defeat Yusuf48. Abdurrahman eventually established his own family’s dynasty in a thirty-year period, but the difficulty involved therein indicates that even such a talented politician would have immense trouble unifying the diverse stretches of Muslim Andalus.
The struggles in early Muslim Andalus under the Umayyad Caliphate rose from several factors. These included Andalus’ typically subservient role as an appendage of the Maghrib province, the typical unaccountability that prevailed in its ruling class, the privileges of Arabs over non-Arabs intrinsic to the Umayyad system and the struggles between Arabs of various clans. Only under specific governors were polarizing policies reformed, but it could occur only on the sufferance of powerful settler families such as the Fihris who tended to prioritize their own privileges. The resultant confusion threw the politics of Umayyad Andalus into turbulence, and it was not until the Umayyad emirate, independent of the caliphate, that these divisions were finally navigated in order to set up an independent and strong principality.
- The Umayyad takeover was a definitive moment in Islamic history and provoked, among other factors, the political feud that eventually branched by the ninth century into a separate sect, by the self-proclaimed Shia Ali, partisans of the family of the fourth caliph Ali b. Abi Talib whose split had taken on implicitly religious undertones. This monumental event has received considerable attention but perhaps the most valuable early source isTarikh-ul-Rusal-wa-Muluk, whose seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth volumes deal with the Umayyad coup. Al-Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir, tr. State University of New York Press 1989.
- Lapidus, I. (2014). A History of Islamic Societies (3rd ed., p. 78). Berkeley, California: Cambridge University Press.
- For the revolts by Husain b. Ali b. Abi Talib and Abdullah b. Zubair b. Awwam, see Tabari, Vol. 18: The Caliphate of Yazid b. Mu’awiyah, tr. Howard (1990), State University of New York Press.
- Batran, A. (1984). Islam and revolution in Africa (1st ed., p. 25). Amana Books.
- Blankinship, K. (1994), The End of the Jihad State (p. 29, p. 205), New York: State University of New York Press.
- Safran, J. (2000), The Second Umayyad Caliphate: The Articulation of Caliphal Legitimacy in Al Andalus (p. 123), Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies.
- Siyal, V. (2000). The magnificent power potential of Pakistan (p. 197), al-Faisal.
- Christys, A,, “The History of ‘Ibn Habib’ and Ethnogenesis in Al-Andalus,” ed. Reimitz, Helmut (2003). The Construction of Communities in the Early Middle Ages: Texts, Resources and Artefacts, Leiden: Brill.
- Qureshi, M. (2012), Muslim Rule in Spain, Muslim Rule in India, Memories of Two Failures (p. 11), Britain: Author House Limited.
- For the jizya in Spain, see Chalmeta, P., “An Approximate Picture of the Economy of Andalus,” ed. S. Jayyusi (1992), The Legacy of Muslim Spain (p. 747), Leiden: E.J. Brill.
- Lewis, D. (2008), God’s Crucible: Islam and the Making of Europe 570-1215 (p. 147), New York, W.W. Norton & Company Limited.
- Tabari, tr. Stephan-Powers, D. (1989). The Empire in Transition, State University
- Tabari, tr. Hinds, M. (1989), The Zenith of the Marwanid House.
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 204-05).
- Ibid (p. 85-86).
- Kennedy, H. (1996). Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of Al-Andalus (p. 21). New York: Routledge.
- Abdurrahman b. Abdulhakam, The History of the Conquests of Egypt, North Africa, and Spain (p. 323), tr. Torrey, C. (1901), Yale University Press.
- Lewis, God’s Crucible (p. 158-161).
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 21).
- Muhammad Ibn Qutia, The History of Ibn Qutia, tr. James, D. (2009), Early Islamic Spain: The History of Ibn Al-Qutiyah (p. 59-60). New York: Routledge.
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 141).
- Filios, D. “Medieval Encounters,” (p. 385), ed. Corfis, I. (2009), Al-Andalus, Sephard and Medieval Iberia: Cultural Contact and Diffusion, Leiden: Brill.
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 141-142).
- Kennedy, Muslim Spain (p. 22).
- This caliphal certificate is mentioned several times, and it must have been an important source of legitimacy in the unity of otherwise disparate factions, showing that caliphal legitimacy still endured at this point and probably only faded with the tumultuous collapse of the Umayyads that began in the 740s. Among other places, see Qutia, History, tr. James, D. (p. 60). Abdurrahman’s Ghafiqi descendants continued to insist that there had been a caliphal decree centuries later, and it was evidently a matter of importance to them.
- Legend has it that a strikingly ugly Munuza wanted to marry Pelagius’ beautiful sister, but this is probably just a pretext; Munuza had led expeditions against Pelagius. Munuza appears to have been a governor who struck out on his own after Pelagius’ revolt, with a precedent of autonomous ministate probably an encouragement to an ambitious commander. See Grieve, P. (2009), The Eve of Spain: Myths of Origins in the History of Christian, Muslim and Jewish Conflict (p. 105), Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press.
- Riche, P. (1983), The Carolingians: A Family who Forged Europe, tr. Allen, M. (1993, p. 44), University of Pennsylvania Press.
- Op. cit. Creasy, E. (1852). The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World: From Marathon to Waterloo, London: Bradbury and Evans Publishers.
- Muslim chroniclers, broadly more dismissive of the confrontation, tend to blame the disarray that followed the panicked rush to protect the plunder from a charge by Odo of Aquitaine. Cited in, among others, Raisuddin, A. (1993, p. 33), Spanish Contribution to the Study of Hadith Literature, Royal Book Company.
- Western historians such as Edward Gibbon and Edmund Creasey tend, with no small amount of hyperbole, to cite what appears to have been an extensive razzia as a megahistorical event in history that saved the soul of Europe. It is unclear that it was even the most significant battle fought in France between the Umayyads and the Franks: though it was certainly notable, the 721 siege of Toulouse was a similarly expansive effort that ended in failure. In any case, Charles’ reputation was catapulted and he earned recognition from the Church as well as a legitimacy for his Carolingian dynasty. In that respect, it was certainly an important event for its immediate political repercussions if nothing else. The Muslims did remember Samh b. Malik and Abdurrahman b. Abdullah as martyrs for the sake of Allah. This conflict, though dismissively mentioned, was known as the Marj-al-Shuhada, Martys Field.
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 196).
- Ibid (p. 204).
- Ibid (p. 206).
- Ibid (p. 208).
- Cited in the subcontinental historian Akbar Shah Najeebabadi’s The History of Islam. Najeebabadi, A. The History of Islam, Vol. 3, tr. Mujahid, A. (2001, p. 51), Lebanon: Darussalam.
- Blankinship, Jihad State (p. 218).
- Kennedy, Muslim Spain (p. 50)
- Qutia, tr. James, History (p. 62).
- Ibid (p. 61).
- Husam b. Darrar’s reforms are covered by Muhammad Ibn Qutia; interestingly, immediately after mentioning the fair nature of the power balance that Husam set up, Qutia adds that Husam’s prejudice against the Mudaris led to his downfall. This indicates a tricky and delicate power-sharing balance. Ibid (p. 62-67).
- Abdurrahman b. Habib b. Abi Ubaidah had also earlier betrayed Balj b. Bishar in North Africa, where he had acted as his second-in-command. Family politics and self-preservation were the order of the day; Abdurrahman’s coup against Hanzala b. Safwan, a largely respected governor, was seen as having precipitated a disastrous famine for which the departing Hanzala prayed to Allah, who thereby punished Abdurrahman according to the popular account.
- The grisly end of the Umayyad caliphate is best seen in the earlier accounts of Tabari. Tabari, the Abbasid Revolution.
- Abdurrahman b. Muawiah b. Hisham’s daring flight from Abbasid clutches became legendary in the chroncicles. Maternal relatives in the Berbers facilitated his escape, as did, temporarily, the upstart Abdurrahman b. Habib b. Abi Ubaidah whose coup had seized the Maghrib. Abdurrahman b. Habib then endeavoured to ingratiate himself with the Abbasid caliphate by offering his former guest, but by then the Umayyad prince had fled. See Abun-Nasr, J. (1987, p. 39-41), A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, Melbourne: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
- Qutia, tr. James, History (p. 67-72).
Abdurrahman b. Abdulhakam, The History of the Conquests of Egypt, North Africa, and Spain, tr. Torrey, C. (1901), Yale University Press.
Abun-Nasr, J. (1987), A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period, Melbourne: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
Batran, A. (1984). Islam and revolution in Africa (1st ed.). Amana Books.
Blankinship, K. (1994), The End of the Jihad State, New York: State University of New York Press.
Chalmeta, P., “An Approximate Picture of the Economy of Andalus,” ed. S. Jayyusi (1992), The Legacy of Muslim Spain (p. 747), Leiden: E.J. Brill.
Christys, A,, “The History of ‘Ibn Habib’ and Ethnogenesis in Al-Andalus,” ed. Reimitz, Helmut (2003). The Construction of Communities in the Early Middle Ages: Texts, Resources and Artefacts, Netherlands: Brill.
Creasy, E. (1852). The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World: From Marathon to Waterloo, London: Bradbury and Evans Publishers.
Filios, D. “Medieval Encounters”, ed. Corfis, I. (2009), Al-Andalus, Sephard and Medieval Iberia: Cultural Contact and Diffusion, Leiden: Brill.
Grieve, P. (2009), The Eve of Spain: Myths of Origins in the History of Christian, Muslim and Jewish Conflict, Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press
Kennedy, H. (1996). Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of Al-Andalus. New York: Routledge.
Lewis, D. (2008), God’s Crucible: Islam and the Making of Europe 570-1215, New York, W.W. Norton & Company Limited.
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